Judgemental Afterthoughts: As Testamentary Evidence of a Free Genius

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We are technologically tethered, iPhone addicted. Even when at rest, social media, gaming apps and other invasive technologies regain control of our time, teasing us to watch one more clickbait ad or play one last game. Although contemporary debate often centres on the negative impact of technology on our time, this is not new.

It has been happening since historical records began. Before engaging in a tirade against modern technology, it is worth reflecting on the struggle between technology and its in ability to help us measure and manage our time. They originated in Egypt circa 3, B. This suited agriculture and other sun-dependent tasks, but not society in general. In 1,BC, water and sand clocks emerged as humanity's next attempt at time management.

Based on measuring flow from or to a container similar to egg-timers , these were an effective means of organising short events such as sermons, lectures, and torture. The small fact that water freezes made their use seasonal at best. The bells, the bells Around AD, Benedictine monks were the first humans to sever the ancient link between time and nature.

They developed the verge escapement, a mechanism that regulates time through pendulum weights and later coiled springs. As a result, dozens of bells would ring out across each European city in a continuous cacophony of noise from a quarter to until a quarter past each hour. Nobody could co-ordinate or organise their time around bells that often rang for as long as they were silent.

The factories of the industrial revolution in England and New England are often vilified for the rise of clock-time and the resulting focus on mass production, standardisation and exploitation of labour. The Nazi movement had a similar impact. The alleged negative ramifications for Spanish citizens include sleep-deprivation and lower productivity. What's the time now? A second is now defined as 9,,, cycles of the radiation that gets an atom of cesium to vibrate between two states.

It is all the more surprising then that we suffer from so many technology-driven time management issues in a time of such technological proficiency. The Amazonian Amondawa tribe have no concept of time not time-related language However it would be wrong to think that everyone today operates on similar levels of temporal specificity. Take the Amazonian Amondawa tribe for example. First discovered in , they use no technology to structure or regulate their time.

There is no word for "time", or periods such as "month" or "year". We stress about "being late", "such little time", "working long hours" and "watching the clock", while no such constructs exist in Amondawa. Research has shown this is in no way due to cognitive limitations of Amondawas, but because the need to organise themselves within temporal structures simply never emerged. Many may feel that going "full Amondawa" is impossible in Western civilisation. However, when you mention menstruation to a lot of people, male and female, they still get uncomfortable.

They think it is all about blood loss and pain and that it is too personal a subject to talk about openly. But elite female athletes and coaches across the globe are starting to work with the menstrual cycle to gain a performance edge. The female athlete We all know that physiologically women are different to men. It is an issue that many elite sportswomen have spoken out about recently. Studies are now gradually emerging to provide a better understanding of the menstrual cycle and highlight how exercise and nutrition can be altered to advance female athletic performance and reduce injury risk, and, crucially, on how women need to train as women and not as men.

This is because the primary female hormones, oestrogen and progesterone, rise and fall throughout the entire menstrual cycle. As these hormones travel in the blood, they can affect everything from how athletes respond to training to how they recover and even to how their bodies metabolise or breakdown food for energy. This changes in the second half of the cycle when progesterone levels start to ramp up, affecting other things like core body temperature, muscle breakdown, resting heart rate, breathing rate and insulin resistance.

Lowering injury risk Research is also indicating that there are certain points in the menstrual cycle where the risk of soft tissue injuries may be increased due to the effects of hormone fluctuations on ligaments, muscles and tendons. For example, the time most associated with an increase in risk of anterior cruciate ligament ACL injuries, the key stabilising ligament in the knee, is when oestrogen levels peak, just prior to ovulation.

This is because high oestrogen levels are linked with increases in joint laxity and changes in neuromuscular control. This means that the stability of the knee may alter and the muscles surrounding them may activate differently. It does not mean that an athlete should stop training, but, instead, by tracking and monitoring their cycle, they canadapt their preparation, training and nutrition in advance to lower the risk of ACL injuries during this window.


Away from the elite environment, many exercising women say the menstrual cycle continues to act as a barrier to achieving optimal performance. So how do we bridge the gap between the elite and the amateur environment to optimise female performance? As part of our female athlete programme, we developed FitrWoman, a free app to help active women track their period and tailor their training and nutrition to their menstrual cycle, so they know when to push harder, when to prioritise recovery, and how to maximise every training session.

No matter what your favourite sport is, it is not about training harder, it is about training smarter and working with your natural physiology, not against it. Over these 21 days, 22 eight-man teams will cover 3, kilometres of competitive action which always include gruelling mountain stages in the Alps and Pyrenees. For a few weeks at least, focus in France will switch from the social unrest of the yellow vest movement to the intrigue of the Yellow Jersey, which this year celebrates its centenary.

It was first worn by Eugene Christophe who was leading the race at the start of stage 11 of the Tour on July 19th. At a time when no external assistance was permitted, he was hit with a time penalty because a small boy worked the bellows at the forge where Christophe was making his own repairs. Although it is a commercial product owned and exploited by a private media organisation, it has become a national institution and an object of almost universal affection. The route no longer completes a perfect loop and makes frequent visits into neighbouring countries.

Beginning with Amsterdam in , the Tour has started outside France on 21 occasions since. Dublin hosted the start of the Tour, while stage 2 brought the race from Enniscorthy to Cork. Back in France, a doping scandal involving members of the Festina team erupted, threatening the credibility not just of the Tour, but of the sport of cycling itself. Synonymous with summer, the Tour always incorporates the French national holiday of July 14th. In addition to the millions of people who stand on the side of the road to watch the race, many more make a hobby of watching the Tour at home, such is the quality of the free-to-air television coverage which provides breath-taking images of the French landscape and extensive commentary on items of interest prompted by the route of each stage.

Or food. Most of the food you eat in your daily life is a product of science including the selection of seeds and machinery-based harvesting techniques. Science allowed our society to reach a point that was never dreamed of by our ancestors. Famine and plague, which were major concerns until the beginning of the 20th century, do not kill as many lives as they did thanks to technological applications. But science cannot answer every question.

Our life cannot be governed only by facts as it would then be, in Bertrand Russell's words, "a prison for the human spirit". Science can give us some technical solutions, but deciding to apply them is a question that we must answer collectively. Science made it possible to split the nucleus of an atom and get energy out of this reaction, but it is up to citizens to choose if we are willing to take the risks associated with its use.

Nevertheless, a comprehension of the technology and its fundaments is needed to understand the risks of the use of nuclear energy. Moreover, most societies in the developed world adopted democracy as political regime, meaning every citizen can exercise the power, particularly by voting. The strategies to overcome problems related to population growth or the increasing of average temperature in the planet are rooted in science, but every citizen exercising their voting right will play a role in the final decisions. Addressing these issues in a reasonable way depends on as many people as possible understanding the scientific method.

Judgemental Afterthoughts: As Testamentary Evidence of a Free Genius

In a democracy, every citizen plays a role in decisions. A proper functioning democracy depends on the voting system working well and freedom of speech is vital for this. Besides, to adopt some principles of the scientific method when discussing issues that concern the society ensures that the freedom of speech is not distorted. Criticism and developing a mindset that embraces uncertainty are at the core of the scientific method and should also be central to every process and outcome which might influence society. The scientific mindset requires an ordered approach to test reality, collect and organise facts and think outside the box.

This is important not only to answer objective questions, but also subjective ones. It's a way of thinking which usually allows us to accept the premises of whoever thinks different from us, which is central for enhancing the process of debate and decision-making. Science empowered humankind with a method that is, at once, disciplined and imaginative.

Our society would gain a lot by having more people able to apply a scientific way of thinking to every aspect of life Conversely, science is considered a dull thing.

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He went on to state that this mixture of science dependence and science ignorance would bring disastrous consequences on us. The scientist is not a person who thinks more or in a better way than others. The scientific method is a style of thinking rather than a body of knowledge, and this can be taught. Scientists are only people who got more training to develop this mindset. Our society would gain a lot by having more people able to apply a scientific way of thinking to every aspect of life, including debating ideas in the public sphere.

Luckily, the scientific way of thinking will allow us to overcome the challenges we have to face and build a world in which happiness can be reached by every living being. The inaugural Paris-Bordeaux-Paris race the following year was won by Emile Levassor on a Panhard in a time of forty-eight hours and forty-eight minutes The success of these events prompted the recently formed Automobile Club de France ACF to hold city-to-city races on an annual basis.

A spate of fatal accidents, however, brought about the cancellation of the Bordeaux-Madrid stage of the race. Among the victims was Marcel Renault, brother of Louis, and co-founder of the company still prominent in motor sport and automobile production today. The compromise insisted on by the authorities was a closed circle on public roads, the precursor to circuit motor racing as we know it today. The winner of the event Ivan Thompson opening a bottle of champagne.

This annual event was open to a maximum of three entries per nation, which were to be painted in an identifying colour irrespective of their manufacturer: blue for France, red for the United States, yellow for Belgium and white for Germany. As there was no British entry in the inaugural race and since the three colours of the Union Jack were already taken, the Napier driven by Selwyn Edge in , and which won the following year, was green. This is reputedly the origin of British Racing Green. Although the competition was initially French-dominated, success by other nations revealed its potential to manufacturers and the public.

The first British victory in brought with it responsibility for hosting the race. At seven points where the track passed through towns, there were non-racing zones where the cars followed a bicycle through the streets. The final Gordon Bennett race saw the competition return to France in While the Gordon Bennett Cup races had been a success in the internationalisation of motor sport, these competitions had left France increasingly frustrated. While other nations had to struggle to assemble a team, France had to hold separate qualifiers to choose its representatives.

Thus, with only three French cars out of twenty-nine qualifying for the event, most manufacturers found themselves without a chance to prove themselves on the international stage. On June, the race took place on the Twenty-three French cars took part in the competition, which, despite a significant attendance, made a loss. This setback notwithstanding, the entire weekend was deemed a success by the ACF, and Le Mans went down in history as having hosted the first automobile Grand Prix. It has been clear for quite some time that international, European, and Irish climate change law and policy is not delivering the emissions reductions that are required.

This has received considerable media attention in recent weeks, perhaps because of the protests spearheaded by the activist Greta Thunberg and led by children worldwide. The Irish government is promising a radical new and comprehensive plan to revitalise our efforts to reduce emissions. Nonetheless, there is an urgent need for fresh ideas and meaningful innovation if we are to avoid the potentially catastrophic implications of climate change for Ireland and elsewhere. Because climate change is a global problem, it is easy to conclude that global solutions are the only way forward.

However, climate change is also a very difficult collective action problem, and working through international institutions, such as the United Nations or the European Union, often results in movement at the pace of the slowest and least interested. Sometimes even that progress is held hostage by this who would seek to block any movement on the issue, particularly the United States, Saudi Arabia, and other countries with a significant vested interest in the existing energy infrastructure.

Irish Climate Policy Institutions Are Inadequate Although Irish institutional frameworks have been moving towards a more networked architecture, they are not adequately prepared for this. We have a planning code and planning system that is manifestly not fit for purpose, with overly complex laws, a lack of capacity by both elected representatives and civil or public servants, and a poor understanding of the underlying issues by decision- and policy-makers. The first is the fragmentation of planning by stronger central policies such as the National Planning Framework.

Innovation in Climate Law and Policy is Essential We should also think about how we can encourage innovation in implementation within Ireland. Our work, on this and other projects, confirms that Ireland has many of the micro-economic requirements for a vibrant economy and a high degree of social capital; these can only combine to create overall success, where public systems of governance, resource allocation, conflict resolution and policy learning are effective.

Nationally, the Climate Change Advisory Council is not an adequate vehicle to achieve the level of economic and social transformation that is necessary. Read: What's in Ireland's landmark climate change report? It should be enhanced or replaced with a body which is sufficiently well-resourced and endowed with the statutory powers necessary to encourage and require compliance with ambitious targets. Regionally and locally, there is a need for cross-cutting networks linking public administration and civil society.

Local energy agencies exist in some parts of the country and some, particularly Tipperary Energy Agency, have done very commendable work. Every local authority should be required to create one, in collaboration with nearby third-level institutions. In addition, learning and education initiatives such as Cloughjordan ecovillage are few and far between; tax incentives, subsidies, and other government support could encourage the development of further similar projects across the country.

There are also considerable opportunities to involve the private sector and develop entrepreneurship in climate-aware products and services. Sustainable Nation Ireland manages the Irish office of Climate-KIC which is a European knowledge and innovation community, working to accelerate the transition to a zero-carbon economy , although this is Dublin-based and would be more effective if it is was regional and distributed. Climate Policy Must Be Plural, Polycentric, and Hybrid The complex nature of the issue means that top-down frameworks with inflexible mechanisms and targets do not work well.

Effective climate change law and policy will have to emerge from a hybrid web of policy tools, legal instruments, and multi-layer governance arrangements. This is particularly important when thinking about adaptation rather than mitigation, which will require greater diversification and decentralisation. We need to think about climate law as plural, polycentric, and hybrid. It is not a never-ending resource, and we can damage it from afar.

The s had seen increasing global awareness of environmental concerns. The potential value of anti-cancer drugs from marine organisms may be more than a trillion US dollars so our biodiversity is worth preserving for this alone. The ocean is good for our health in other ways. Sometimes we damage the ocean unintentionally as we have done with plastic. The highly progressive ban on plastic bags in Ireland enacted in was primarily to protect against litter on land.

It predated the seminal paper in the journal Science that first noted the presence of microplastics in beaches. Yet the ban was prescient: research shows that microplastics are in deep marine sediments, in the polyps of corals, and even in the poos of whale sharks. People have responded hugely to this issue and campaigned widely and must take much credit for the European-wide ban on many single-use plastics that will come into force in NUIG PhD student Alina Wieczorek observing whale shark suction feeding on plankton at the surface at night as part of a wider project investigating how whale sharks might be exposed to microplastics.

Photo: Dawid Szlaga. Can we be as influential in other areas of concern? As scientists, the answer is surely yes — but, in fact, the answer is yes for everyone. In fisheries, scientists can generate data in the field, develop models, and improve statistical analyses, to ensure accurate estimates of maximum sustainable take are passed to the policy makers.

In the last few years, due to sustained public pressure, the practice of discarding caught fish at sea, because the boat had no permission to catch that species, has been banned by the EU, as has trawling below m. The filtered residue will be subjected to DNA sequencing which is one of the most effective ways to detect invasive species due to small larvae being in the water column before they become widespread.

Invasive species can be hugely damaging to the marine environment, outcompeting and smothering other life and reducing diversity, and they are often first detected by knowledgable members of the public. Golden kelp, an invasive species discovered off the Mayo Coast by divers. Marine scientists study climate in numerous ways. Physicists study the exchange of greenhouse gases and heat between the upper ocean and lower atmosphere — processes that govern both weather and climate, while chemists study ocean acidification under increasing CO2 levels. Marine animals, particularly those with a calcium carbonate shell or skeleton, are extremely vulnerable to ocean acidification as a lower pH hinders mineralisation.

From a better understanding of the physical and chemical processes involved in ocean climate change, scientists are able to model and predict future climate more accurately, and thus empower politicians to act in the common interest. Lowering our individual carbon footprints can impact the overall carbon load on the planet if enough of us engage, but lobbying governments for better public transport, investment in renewable energy and other wide-reaching policies that will help us reach our carbon targets under the Paris Agreement on action to combat climate change will have far greater impacts.

Our oceans need us to meet these targets. This year alone has seen a remarkable increase in environmental activism. Children, led by year old Swede Greta Thunberg have come out of school to strike for climate. Extinction Rebellion have, through peaceful protest alone, caused both the Irish and British governments to declare a climate emergency. We will have dropped gravity cores in the Artic, studied the air-sea interface in the Antarctic, taught a climate change course on a German research vessel, and studied our own changing shorelines.

Affecting the whole of the island, it was, and is, described in biblical and apocalyptic terms. In attempting to convey the scale of it, scholars frequently focus on the vast numbers of those who died or who emigrated, or examine the Famine on a macro, rather than micro, level. While there is no problem in this approach, it often ignores the more personal reflections that can be found in correspondence and in journals.

One would not expect antiquarian correspondence to be a good source of this. Yet, as prolific corresponders with each other sometimes several times a day to the same person , their letters offer a fascinating, and often overlooked, insight into the social and political matters of their day. He first began writing to Windele in , when the potato harvest had failed for the second time and people were not optimistic about the outlook.

As a member of the local Relief Committee, he offers a unique insight of how local landlords attempted to deal with the growing problem and of how frustrated he felt in not being able to do more to help, especially as he often paid out his own pocket. He ends the letter "I sincerely wish you many happy returns of this season which used to be joyous. Whereas Swanton seems to be in a good personal situation, Rev. Fever is raging in all directions. Dead bodies for ten days without internment. We shall have much hunger, and I dread, much fever, yet to endure.

However we must only beast the waves again; and from its perilous summit, preach controversy by living amid pestilence and death, or by dieing [sic] for our flocks. You can form no idea of what hunger is unless you have endured and felt it yourself. The most graphic and glowing description of it would give you but a very imperfect notion of it — the sensation and the chock [shock] must be only felt, not describable.

Redmond Anthony, an antiques dealer from Piltown in Co Kilkenny, complained that he had not been able to sell tickets to a lottery and that his business had been affected because of the distress. William Hackett from Midleton and the distilling family complained about how he was making a loss grinding relief corn. He sympathised with the poor people, though. NLI MS , no. More importantly, they demonstrate how people reacted to the Famine on a personal level, witnessing death all around them.

The now typical bellicose pronouncements from Trump do little to reassure allies, while adding to the general incoherence of US foreign policy under his leadership. Shanahan is reported to have said that they now want to prevent further escalation and the US is "not about going to war. Never threaten the United States again! The three attacks in the Gulf all have a clear common denominator. Although Iran has not claimed responsibility the Houthis took responsibility for the drone strike , the widespread assumption is that the Iranians were behind them.

Such attacks enable Iran to send a threatening message while also maintaining deniability. However, he seems unable to contain himself when he perceives any provocation. It is hoped to force Iran to make additional concessions on its nuclear programme and disrupt its support for militant organisations. In early May, the US accelerated the deployment of an aircraft carrier strike group to the Middle East and deployed B bomber aircraft to the region along with a Patriot air-defence missile battery.

In conventional military terms, Iran cannot compete against the US. However, as the centre of Shia power in the region, its strength lies in the ability to mobilise proxy forces to assist in achieving its objectives. Iran is the primary supporter of Hezbollah in Lebanon and was pivotal in supporting the Assad regime in Syria.

It is also the main power behind the Houthi rebels in Yemen, in addition to having significant influence in Iraq and on Islamic Jihad in Gaza. This makes Iran a formidable regional foe and not a country to be underestimated. There are also three vital passages to trade in the area that remain especially vulnerable. The straits of Hormuz, is the best known but Bab al-Mandab and the Suez Canal are also of strategic importance, especially to Israel.

The Strait of Hormuz is a vital shipping route linking Middle East oil producers to markets around the world and it has been a flashpoint in the past. Weaponised drones, missiles and remote controlled sea borne devices can all have devastating consequences. The US has abrogated its treaty obligations under the so called Iran nuclear deal, negotiated during the Obama administration to prevent Iran from nuclear weapons production.

Trump also has re-imposed punitive sanctions that have damaged severely Iran's economy, and designated Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps as a foreign terrorist organisation. READ: 40 years of politics, change and protest in Iran Sadly, one of the elements lost in the current debate about the use of force in the region is international law. It is often conveniently ignored that the threat or use of force by states is prohibited by Article 2 4 of the UN Charter.

This is a long standing fundamental principle of international law that governs relations between states. It is not for powerful states to decide what rules to apply or disregard when and if it suits their purposes. War does not have to be inevitable and, in such a scenario, there will be no winners. The main losers once again will be innocent civilians caught up in a conflict not of their making. The Taoiseach, Leo Varadkar, pointed to recent history and visits by American heads of state since Ronald Reagan to highlight the close and important relationship between the two countries and the approach his government would take to any stay in Ireland by Trump.

Visits and relations with different heads of states and governments since independence have illustrated not only the priorities of the then Irish government, but also how these have at times diverged from sections of the Irish public. Unsurprisingly, this gave rise to severe criticism, particularly in the US, but also provoked a strong reaction from the British prime minister, Winston Churchill. Roosevelt, not to offer condolences like, for example, other neutrals Switzerland and Sweden would have been illogical and contrary to the dictates of neutrality.

Where he could lead Ireland through challenging times perhaps better than anyone as seen by the war and in his celebrated response to Churchill , he left others to decide what neutrality and independence actually meant. Kennedy in reflected the choices Ireland had made. Not only was it very popular and, as with the others, passed without diplomatic or security incident, the Kennedy visit pointed to how Ireland had moved away from neutrality and expressions of independence at the United Nations, views which had been at variance to those held by the United States.

Bush in and Barack Obama in strengthened the existing cultural and economic ties with the US and Europe, reflecting how Ireland had moved beyond a dependence on Britain. Visits by different heads of governments and states from the s generated a greater interest among the public in Irish foreign policy. A desire to influence the nature of the foreign policy of Ireland as well as that of other countries, most notably the US, lay behind the dissent which progressively became a greater feature of visits by foreign dignitaries. The opposition to Reagan was particularly notable for being the first to garner such diverse groups, utilise unusual tactics and to generate considerable publicity.

Higgins and the future judge, Catherine McGuinness. How representative they were of the general public is another question, with the majority of the public supportive of the visit. Furthermore, many of the demonstrators also hoped that good relations with the US would continue to exist. Certainly, Reagan spoke of the need for tolerance and reconciliation in Northern Ireland during his visit and fulfilled the hopes the Irish government had for his stay.

In that context, the anti Reagan campaign was the logical continuation of the protests against the King of Belgium and Nixon. As with past governments, he is likely to discuss trade, Northern Ireland and other issues of benefit to Ireland with the visiting president, while downplaying the differences and seeking to manage any protests that occur. Archives of testimony, oral history, letters, diaries, official documentation, legal records and more, provide evidence of human experience under the exertion of power and control.

Archives can give voice to victims of past violence or can also function to maintain an enforced silence and prolong a lack of accountability, transparency, and truth. But who is recorded within the records? What agency do such records have to inform the next generation? And how to young people engage with violent histories? The ability of each successive generation to access records of their recent past and longer history is a key signifier of a functioning democracy. Like every scar, it will never get well if you pick it.

We encounter the past in various new ways and through new media today. In Derry Girls, the experience of a Catholic family and group of teenage girls and one wee English fella presented events of early s' Derry, from bomb scares to Presidential visits, to young audiences in an accessible means. Recent remarks were made by Karen Bradley, Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, about how British soldiers and police who were responsible for killings in Northern Ireland, in particularly those soldiers on Bloody Sunday, "were people acting under orders and under instruction and fulfilling their duty in a dignified and appropriate way".

Bradley later apologised for the comments. While a young lecturer in law in Belfast in the mid s, he became aware of the agitation around civil rights and human rights issues, particularly for Catholics in Belfast and Derry. Boyle became a committee member of groups such as the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association and People's Democracy, and so ensured his place as a major figure in advocating for equal rights across Northern Ireland. A key facet within the archive is the voice of young people grappling with social and economic inequalities.

The late journalist Lyra McKee, recently murdered in Derry, referred to her generation as "The Ceasefire Babies", those who are today also witnessing a lack of leadership and dialogue within their communities. Other challenges to openness towards the past in Northern Ireland is the proposed closure of the CAIN Conflict Archive on the Internet which is a vital and unique recourse which makes available thousands of documents from the Troubles period available freely online.

The archive of past conflict should not be closed, symbolically or physically, as the ramifications in terms of public knowledge and legal accountability are live and urgent issues today. Archives are spaces of memory-practice, where people can try to put their inherited history and trauma in context by transforming their experiences into meaning through empathy with the past. In Kevin Boyle's last published work from , a foreword to A Vision for Human Rights, he stated "despite the often scattershot coverage by global media of human rights issues, the wretched conditions and suffering of millions are for the most part ignored.

The archival record can be a force to break this silence. I write it so that I can, at last, feel present in my own life. I write it because it is the most powerful thing I can think of to do. Two new essay collections by Irish writers follow in this tradition. It remains always something other than property.

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In "Blue Hills and Chalk Bones", that body also operates in relation to the omnipresence of Irish Catholicism, namely the pilgrimage to Lourdes: "I thought about the baths, and how if I believed enough, I would be cured". Gleeson also writes of the "form of guidance: that the work of artists such as Frida Kahlo, Lucy Grealy and Jo Spence provided in their explorations of their bodies in illness. But so is finding the kind of articulation that is specific to you. He, his younger brother, and their father had done their best to try to keep political differences from breaking family ties.

Quincy went to Horace, as he did in his December letter to Bela Lincoln see supra, pp. It is not clear who Quincy quoted here. It may be a reference to the valley of the river Eden above Solway Firth, separating England and Scotland. Portions near a torn right margin are missing, as noted above. The widow of the Reverend Joseph Marsh of Braintree, whose son, also named Joseph, had acted as a tutor to prepare Josiah Junior for Harvard, as he had John Adams before him, and other boys in the town. Josiah Senior had married as his third wife Ann Marsh—sister of the younger Marsh, daughter of the elder Marsh, a good example of the kinship ties formed in this small farming community to the south of Boston that so many Quincys and Adamses would call home.

Norton Quincy, who had retired to Braintree to escape the hubbub of Boston, was sympathetic to the patriot cause but would have preferred to be left alone and live the life of a country gentleman. Also see p. Quincy worked from memory, and was just a bit off. Even so, Quincy did not have that edition in mind when recalling this particular passage. For those other possibilities see my comments in Coquillette and York, eds. And J. Dodsley, — , He turned to it for his journal too at this same time: at ibid.

Smith, the son of a wealthy merchant involved in trade himself and just a couple of years older than Quincy, was one of the rising leaders among Philadelphia radicals. There were no eighteenth-century editions printed in either Britain or the American colonies. Quincy quoted from the Collection twice in his political commonplace book. Bee would become one the leaders of the Revolutionary movement in South Carolina, and he sat in the Continental Congress during the latter part of the war.

Clymer was a wealthy merchant, deeply involved in patriot politics. He would serve in the Continental Congress during the war and as a delegate to the constitutional convention in Garraty and Mark C. Carnes, eds. Quincy copied from the original, which has since disappeared. Quincy quoted Clymer to himself, from his letter of July 29th at supra, pp. Boston Gazette, 20 December , p. From Comus , lines — He had turned to that play on his Southern journey, earlier in the year; in Coquillette and York, eds.

Boston Gazette, 27 December , p. French for small, slim dagger; eventually anglicized as poniard. They sided with Charles I and suffered the consequences. Strafford was executed; Finch and Berkeley, both judges, were impeached and removed from the bench. Boston Gazette, 3 January , p. Boston Gazette, 10 January , p. The faces had changed somewhat , but the issues remained the same. Hutchinson now played the role once filled by Francis Bernard, his predecessor as governor, with letters that Bernard had written being published to embarrass him and rally public support.

Those letters were part of the controversy associated with the Liberty affair of 10 June , which is sometimes wrongly pointed to as the cause of troops being sent to Boston. The decision to send them had actually been reached before the event even occurred. Proceedings 55 — The nine resolutions actually passed the House of Commons first, in December , then were concurred in by the House of Lords, after some minor revisions, the following February. They are printed in the Journals of the House of Commons, —86, and were reprinted in various newspapers around the colonies.

Edes and Gill added their own emphasis. Drawing once again from the Copy of Letters , pp. On 9 June , which triggered House resolutions a week later in protest. In the Mass. House Journal, —41 and 58—61, resp. Boston Gazette, 17 January , p. Of all the passages pulled from these letters, this was in some minds, apparently, the most damning in Copy of Letters, p. An allusion from Greek mythology, familiar to at least some of his readers, Scylla was a multi-headed beast and Charybdis a whirlpool, both in the Strait of Messina between Sicily and Italy.

They had been sea nymphs, transformed into monsters by angry, jealous gods. Quincy quotes again from the letter noted at supra, n. The references to Hutchinson are from the letter noted above. Those from Oliver are in the letter of 13 February in Copy of Letters , pp.

All of the excerpts that Quincy quoted are from the two letters cited above. Boston Gazette, 31 January , p. From Samson Agonistes , lines — There is a sketch of Brattle in Sibley, et al. He differed fundamentally, then, with Quincy over what constituted a more independent judiciary. Perhaps it was a sense of betrayal that caused Quincy to depict the sixty-seven-year-old Brattle as a doddering, superannuated non-entity. House Journals, , 40—41, and 57—61 quotation from p. Boston Gazette, 7 February , p.

This would be the last. Unfortunately, we cannot know how consciously Quincy was mimicking Shakespeare as well as quoting him. Hutchinson to Whately, 4 October , Copy of Letters, pp. Letter of 18 June , ibid. Macbeth speaking, as it begins to dawn on him that he is about be brought down by a fate that he, in his ambition and avarice, made inescapable. Quincy, Memoir, p. The fair amount due a party for services performed, with no formal written contract specifying a fixed total.

Samuel Adams, Dr. Joseph Warren. Schutz, eds. Quincy inserted this paragraph after having written a first draft without it. Those from Lamentations are of course from the Old Testament. Quincy could have taken those lines from any one of several Latin editions published in London in the 18th century.

Quincy owned copies of the Works of both Milton and Pope. He changed the order of the two sentences in this paragraph, to put the freeholders first, the landed interest second. Pamphlet pages are set within brackets. Edes and Gill placed those numbers at the top of each page; here, they should be considered as at the bottom.

Reprint editions were published in both Philadelphia and London, the former by John Sparhawk, the latter by Edward and Charles Dilly which was also sold by John Almon in his Piccadilly shop. The Dillys removed the epigraphs from Lamentations on the title page and made other, smaller changes as well—not unusual when printers reset type and made editorial choices as they went. See the listings for the Observations in Thomas R. Providence, R. Cambridge, Eng. There were other errors that Quincy did not note, and perhaps did not catch; these too I have corrected silently in the text.

For which see the brief overview in Robert J. Most likely taken by Quincy from his commonplace book, p. Boston: Thomas and John Fleet, , , , the first two of what eventually were three volumes.

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Also from the political commonplace book, p. He inserted this sentence in the left margin, perpendicular to the text, presumably at some later point before going to press. Quincy did not indicate his source here, perhaps because he just went to his commonplace book, p. London: Edward and Charles Dilly, , Cicero. London, , —41, a protest made in —as taken from the political commonplace book, p.

The first volume began with a protest lodged in , during the reign of Henry III; the second ended with a protest against rescinding a dividend granted to the East India Company in June Quincy inserted this sentence in between lines already written. Pickering, ed. Most of this paragraph is squeezed into the left margin, again running perpendicular to the text, after beginning between lines—Quincy changing his mind about what he going to write before settling on it? He had already written the next paragraph, then came back to the one inserted here. Quincy copied this passage into his political commonplace book, p.

The Project Gutenberg eBook of Woman, Church and State, by Matilda Joslyn Gage.

Another case of drawing from the political commonplace book, p. Churchill, et al. Quincy provided no citation, but the passage is from a speech made by Sir John Phillips in the House of Commons, 29 January , as copied into the political commonplace book, p. Almon, — , Again, as quoted from the Boston Port Act, in Pickering, ed. Quincy crossed out the next sentence, which is now barely legible.

Wait, , pp. A passage from Hector St. Millar, , ; copied into the political commonplace book, p. Meaning, during or at pleasure as opposed to good behavior. Quoting and paraphrasing again from the Boston Port Act, in Pickering, ed. He changed around the wording in this sentence before settling on the final form. For the English background and a passing reference to Quincy see Lois G. Quincy included a footnote, drawing again upon the political commonplace book, at p.

London: Edward and Charles Dilly, , p. This sentence replaces another that Quincy crossed out. London: D. Henry, R. Cave and J. Emonson, , It was common enough by then that he saw no need to cite it, if indeed he was aware himself of where he first heard or read it. Those passages are also in the political commonplace book, pp. Becket and P. For John Rothwell and Henry Overton, , p. Quincy did not cite the Commentaries in his political commonplace book, but he did own a set—presumably the second edition published in Oxford at the Clarendon Press between and The four volumes of Commentaries went through several editions very quickly, and there were Dublin and Philadelphia printings as well.

Naturally there are variations in pagination. The p. Quincy again referred readers to the source above. Nourse and P. He may have used another edition for this particular allusion, though it is not likely. Montesquieu, Spirit of the Laws , Quincy did not inform readers that he was paraphrasing the political commonplace book, p. London: T. Woodward and J. Peele, , in Coquillette and York, eds. Inserted in the margin after the passages before and after had been written.

Strahan, , , which was used for the political commonplace book, p. By Tacitus Glasgow: Robert Urif, , p. This sentence and the entire next paragraph appear to have been inserted in the manuscript later, squeezed onto the bottom of one page and then carried over to the left margin of the one following. He alluded to The History in the political commonplace book, p.

Hume deleted this last sentence from subsequent editions—his own form of political correctness, the philosophical skeptic as political moderate? The rest of the paragraph, beginning with this sentence, appears to have been inserted later, written as it was on two smaller sheets of paper. He did not copy excerpts from it for the political commonplace book. He may have owned and used the version translated and edited by Johnson Towers, C. London: L. Hawke, et al. Quincy referred readers to Robertson, History of Scotland, —5; a passage that he had copied into the political commonplace book, p.

Those reports were intended to discredit administration critics in Boston; supporters of those critics published them to return the favor, with the hope that Whitehall and Westminster would reconsider the Townshend program and the stationing of troops in Boston. The letter is in diary form, with entries for June 28th and July 1st as well as June 25th.

It is one of many where Bernard complained of the intransigence of his political opponents, most especially in the Massachusetts House of Representatives. For dissident Bostonians, this was proof that Bernard was behind the dispatch of soldiers there. It was more complicated than that, however. Peele, See Plu. Life of Caesar. Sir Henry Ashurst, a London merchant and onetime member of the House of Commons who acted as agent for the Massachusetts General Court, authored the piece anonymously. Quincy added a second part to this note, but then moved it to a later page—see p.

Quincy crowded much—too much—onto this page of the original manuscript, so the rest of this sentence and the larger paragraph, plus the paragraph that follows, were written on separate, smaller sheets as insertions. Samuel Johnson London: John Darby, , p. William Russell in the Houe of Commons, 7 February , in ibid. Quincy only referred to Rapin parenthetically in the text. The lines that began this paragraph, and to this point, were actually written in the left-hand margin of the manuscript—on the very crowded page alluded to at n.

Most of what is written in these pages actually came as insertions—smaller sheets of paper slipped into the larger, as Quincy decided at that moment—not coming back later, it appears—to revise his text, even as he wrote it. There, Charles II contended that the continued fighting in Flanders made it necessary to keep troops in the field, and he expected Parliament to provide funding for them.

See Rapin Bowyer and Nichols, ]; cited in the political commonplace book, pp. See the same Observations , 2 and Sir John Phillips in the House of Commons, 29 January , in Debates , —58; quoted in the political commonplace book, —20 in Coquillette and York, eds. Quincy answered his own question in a footnote that alludes to another speech made soon after that delivered by Sir John Phillips see supra, p. Whether the prophecy is fulfilling, or already accomplished in Great-Britain? Quincy quotes a different passage from Sullivan in the political commonplace book, p. Quincy cited no source here.

Davis, , p. He had included the same passage in the political commonplace book, p. Forty-one peers signed it. Quincy quoted from another protest made by peers less than a week later, against setting the peacetime army at over 16, men. From a protest of 16 February signed by twenty peers, once again against the content of a mutiny bill, in this case one that proposed to augment the size of the peacetime army.

Strahan and T. Cadell, , 31, a passage that he had copied into the political commonplace book, p. Sadly, his Shakespeare commonplace apparently did not survive. Quincy compressed this paragraph into the left margin perpendicularly and then along the bottom, in the same direction.

In the manuscript copy, this paragraph comes before the one now preceding it. What is it to America, whether the King or the Parliament of Great- Britain or any other body natural or political is absolute master over her, —and where is the difference between French, Spanish, and English Dragooning? Grey, Debates, How replete with instruction is this anecdote to a British monarch. From a December protest, signed by fifteen peers, against a bill funding a standing army during peacetime.

From a dissent, signed by twenty-three peers, in March over failure to pass a bill that would have limited the army to 12, men. Signed by twenty-two peers. Quincy referred readers to a January protest in the Lords against a treaty with Spain at ibid. Quincy took the two hundred figure from the fifth of eight particulars enumerated there on p. Quincy quoted here from a protest of 15 January signed by eleven peers including Richmond, Rockingham, Temple , in ibid.

It was prompted by the lingering results of the Wilkes crisis. There were peers who had protested against Wilkes being expelled and then, after an election, being denied his seat in the House of Commons. One of those was Lord Camden, then the lord chancellor, and rumors were that he was going to be removed by the king because of it. The protesting peers wanted to go on record that a member of the ministry should not be removed from office simply because he took a stand against what the king and his men preferred.

This protest of 2 February , ibid. Superficially, it dealt with a fairly narrow issue: the reasons that the House of Commons used to expel one of its members.


This protest was made the same day as the one noted above and carried forty signatures including, again, those of Richmond, Rockingham, Temple and Chatham. It was in response to a resolution that carried, declaring that the House of Lords should not insert itself into the internal affairs of the House of Commons.

In ibid. By the twenty-eight peers who entered their protest against repeal of the Stamp Act. Kigdell, , p. Quincy cited different pages from this tome in his commonplace book, pp. Quincy directed readers to pages 56—57, 58, 65 of his pamphlet. Here he sent readers to Robertson, Charles V, , and to pp. Vita Agricola. These three words were apparently added for emphasis. This opening portion of the sentence was inserted between the lines.

Barrington, Observations, p. Quincy included this passage in the political commonplace book, p. Hutchinson, History, with Quincy paraphrasing from this page. Southwick, ; orig. The document he referred to was a letter from Governor John Winthrop of the Bay Colony to Governor William Bradford at Plymouth, expressing relief that their patents would not be vacated and joy that the Lord still smiled upon them. Winthrop copied for Bradford the finding of the privy council in January not to proceed against either colony, despite the request by Sir Ferdinando Gorges and others, who were rival claimants to both.

Quincy drew upon this collection for his political commonplace book, pp. Hutchinson, History, , with Quincy altering the phraseology only slightly. A parenthetical insertion, written into the margin. Hutchinson, History, Appendix, No. Their removal hither realized that dominion, and has made the country valuable both to the Crown and Nation, without any cost to either of them from that time to this.

Hutchinson, History, Randolph had become the great bogeyman of colonial Massachusetts history. Johnson, Adjustment to Empire Leicester, Eng. Bliss, Revolution and Empire Manchester, Eng. Hutchinson, History, , Anno Sir Christopher Gardiner and Thomas Morton, both of whom were troublesome for the first generation of Bay Colony leaders.

Baldwin, Edinburgh: David Wilson, , ; in Coquillette and York, eds. This sentence was apparently inserted later, after Quincy had moved on to the next paragraph. Quincy inserted this now first part of the sentence later. Quincy had copied this passage into his political commonplace book, p. Your greatest losses are greatest gains, where you leave the troubles of an earthly warfare, to lye downe in beds of eternal rest.

He had turned to the first passage, though not the second, for his political commonplace book, p. This postscript was composed on separate sheets of paper. Force and Clarke, needless to say, worked from the original edition of the Memoir on pp. In places they added their own emphasis, italicizing words that were not in the printed text. The Government Act was an attempt to change the balance of power in the colony and restore imperial authority.

The act, not surprisingly to some, had the opposite effect. The new quartering act renewed and extended what had been in place since see ibid. This, again as many astute observers at the time understood, was a particularly volatile mix in the minds of dissident colonists, and not just in Massachusetts. Gage had arrived the month before but he was still in the midst of implementing changes, as he would be through the summer.

Presumably his younger brother Philemon, who lived in Trenton. He would serve as a New Jersey militia general during the war and eventually sat in the Continental Congress. Printed in Harry Alonzo Cushing, ed. Quincy is mentioned there in connection with his letter to Dickinson of 20 August , which is reproduced infra at pp. Dickinson inserted this paragraph, opposite his closing lines, apparently as an afterthought.

Brewton used dashes to end his sentences; I substituted periods. I also added most of the commas, and extended shortened names to full length. Roughly a year after he wrote this letter, he and his family perished at sea while sailing for England. In response to the closing of the port of Boston to private traffic. See Pickering, ed. For the first Continental Congress see Jack N. Samuel Quincy was among the twenty-four lawyers whose names were listed in the former testimonial. In this letter as in some others , Quincy would end a phrase with a colon, then continue with the first letter of the next word in lower case.

I changed those colons to periods, to end the sentence, with the first letter of the next word being capitalized as the first word in a new sentence. Edward Rutledge, younger than Quincy by five years, had studied at Oxford and, like his older brother John, had been admitted to the English bar after studying law at the Middle Temple.

Quincy spent some of his time in Charleston copying reports on cases that Rutledge had recorded while practicing the law in Charleston, which can be found in QP 60 also on reel 4 MHS. He is among those listed in E. No Quincy, incidentally, ever followed that track into law during the colonial era. Josiah Junior of course knew that Adams would be leaving soon for Philadelphia to attend Congress, and that Rutledge and others he mentioned would be there as well.

Eliza Susan Quincy wrote this note in the Memoir, p. This paragraph is not in the printed Memoir. William Shippen Jr.

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This sentence and the brief paragraph above it were also left out of the Memoir. Referring to his father-in-law, William Phillips, prominent Boston merchant and political ally of Thomas Cushing and others in the town meeting, and thorn in the side of Thomas Hutchinson, who refused to allow him a seat on his council when he was nominated for it by the House. He had begun as an apprentice to the merchant Edward Bromfield, eventually marrying his daughter and becoming his business partner. William Molineux, referring to his position with the town of Boston. Though English-born and an Anglican, Molinuex, a merchant of modest income, was associated with the more outspoken elements in the Boston town meeting.

He died in October before independence became the primary political objective. The rest of the paragraph was not included in the Memoir. John Murray of Rutland, one of those named to the council, was, like all of the others, pressured to resign. Failure to ever get a full set of thirty-six council members was an indicator that royal government was being eclipsed by a rival shadow government, as Massachusetts Patriots became subconscious revolutionaries long before they decided on independence as the only solution to the problems of empire.

This paragraph is also not in the Memoir. The Administration of Justice Act was, like the Massachusetts Government Act, designed to bolster imperial authority in the colonies, allowing imperial officials—civilian or military—to request a change of venue, even to a court in England, if accused of a capital crime in the colonies. In Pickering, ed. It derided the laws affecting the colonies then coming out of Parliament and lumped the pending Quebec Act with them—all being part of the same legislative program designed to strip the colonists of their liberties.

The original was obviously a rough draft, with more than the usual number of words in shorthand, and perfunctory punctuation. Quincy quoted from the letter that Dickinson had written to him on June 20th, reproduced at p. Quincy met Reed while passing through Pennsylvania on his overland return trip from South Carolina. Reed expressed great pleasure at the stands taken in the Bay Colony in defense of colonial rights. Quincy had carried with him for Reed a letter of introduction from Thomas Cushing, speaker of the Massachusetts House. QP 51 also reel 29 MHS.

In the note to Percy that follows, I added the paragraph breaks and altered some of the punctuation, to make the reading less awkward. Lee used dashes to serve all his punctuation needs. Lee had left active duty in the British army as a major but went on to become a general in the Polish army, fight against the Turks, return to England, and go from thence to the colonies in By then a retired lieutenant colonel on half-pay, Lee identified increasingly with the critics of empire; hence his letter to Earl Percy.

He would have a stormy wartime career as a major general in the Continental army. Baton Rouge, La. Hugh, Earl Percy, son of the Duke of Northumberland, was a brigadier posted with the British army in Boston, who by then had also held a seat in the House of Commons for over a decade. Although he believed that crown and parliament had been far too lenient for far too long when dealing with opposition leaders in Boston, he was not particularly enthusiastic about the use of force to quell political protest.

He served honorably, going where duty took him, but he was happy to leave the American war behind and return to England in See Charles Knowles Bolton, ed. Goodspeed, ; and the brief sketch of him by Stephen Conway in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, 60 vols. Oxford: Oxford University Press, , — Bingley, In the space of twenty-four pages, Lee reviewed imperial policy, from the governorship of Francis Bernard through that of Thomas Hutchinson, to show how both men had fed the unrest caused by foolish, insensitive imperial policies coming out of London.

The good people of Massachusetts, he contended, were loyal subjects of the crown, willing to accept parliamentary authority within proper constitutional limits, but their motives and actions had been misrepresented by those seeking to cause contention.

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  5. John Adams, famously, felt slighted in national historical memory. Josiah Junior, by contrast, is even more in his shadow than Adams was in that of Franklin or Jefferson. See Josiah Junior to his father, 26 March , at supra pp. Presumably Ephraim Leonard, by then just over seventy years old, who had been a militia colonel in the French and Indian War, a judge, and was still a prominent resident of East Mansfield. In the Ferdinand J. The postscript was written along the left edge of the letter, perpendicular to it.

    Lovell may have been under the care of Dr. Contrariwise that which is antichemical, far from being dominated by a physical hegemony in which free psyche would be as characteristic of the antichemical as it is, on pseudo-graceful terms, of the physical, is able, at the behest of an overall metachemical control of society in respect of free soma, to subversively invert the terms of gender reference in such fashion that the emphasis falls, for both antichemical females and physical males alike, on bound soma, which is the antirealist and, for males, naturalist axial post-condition, in damnation, of materialism and anti-idealism, to the extent that they reject such metachemical and antimetaphysical modes of free soma through the acquirement of goodness and pseudo-wisdom, however temporarily or intermittently.

    In other words, that which in antiphysics is able, with the assistance of metaphysics, to turn the gender tables on the nominal chemical hegemony in which volumetric volume stands a plane above massive mass in phenomenal sensuality, becomes, in bound-psychic emphasis, contrary to nature, or to somatic freedom as a principal characteristic, and consequently the philistine pre-condition of culture, which, by contrast, has free psyche as its principal characteristic.

    But that which in antichemistry is able, with the assistance of metachemistry, to turn the gender tables on the nominal physical hegemony in which voluminous volume stands a plane above massed mass in phenomenal sensibility, becomes, in bound-somatic emphasis, contrary to culture, or to psychic freedom as a principal characteristic, and consequently the civilized post-condition of barbarism, which, by contrast, has free soma as its principal characteristic. Be that as it may, we can no more limit the world to a simple dichotomy between 'pricks' and 'cunts' than to one between, say, 'fucking' and 'sucking'.

    Certainly 'pricks' and 'cunts' are the antithetical hegemonic manifestations of the world, but each is subverted at the behest of contrary orders of 'overworldly' control, and the co-existence of 'pricks' and 'anticunts' in the context of phenomenal sensibility, where a distinction between the 'fucking' of psychic freedom and the 'antisucking' of somatic binding cuts both ways, if with an 'antisucking' emphasis on both primary and secondary, antichemical and physical or, more specific to a somatic bias, antirealist and naturalist, terms And what applies to the phenomenal contexts of the world, whether sensual or sensible, also applies to the noumenal contexts of the overworld, where the co-existence of 'jerks' and 'antibums' in the context of noumenal sensuality logically provides us with a distinction which cuts both ways between the 'frigging' of somatic freedom and the 'antisnogging' of psychic binding, if with a 'frigging' emphasis on both primary and secondary, metachemical and antimetaphysical or, more specific to a somatic bias, materialist and anti-idealist, terms Likewise the well-known slang terms 'snob', 'slob', 'yob', and 'nob', permit of similar eight-fold distinctions, insofar as we allow for 'pro' and 'anti' manifestations of each.

    Clearly fire, water, vegetation, and air provide us, in simple elemental terms, with the basis for a distinction between 'snobs' as fiery, 'slobs' as watery, 'yobs' as vegetative, or earthy, and 'nobs' as airy, so that a parallel could indubitably be inferred to exist between 'snobs' and metachemistry, 'slobs' and chemistry, 'yobs' and physics, and 'nobs' and metaphysics, as reinforced by the sense of 'snobbery' attaching to the vain, of 'slobbery' attaching to the meek, of 'yobbery' attaching to the just, and of what could be called 'nobbery', or genuine nobility, attaching to the truly righteous, or elect of God.

    There can be no question that in general or relative terms, heterosexuality is germane, if with a different emphasis, to both the ascending axis of church-hegemonic criteria and the descending axis of state-hegemonic criteria; for there is always a coital relativity between 'antipricks' and 'cunts' on the one hand, that of the meek, and 'anticunts' and 'pricks' on the other hand, that of the just, the difference being that in the one case there will be more openness to the possibility of pregnancy through unprotected sex than in the other case where, by contrast, 'antisucking' is more the somatic norm and there can only be a greater emphasis on contraception, whether from a male or a female point of view, than on conception, in typically puritanical fashion.

    Certainly there is also the disparity between the circumcised and the uncircumcised to bear in mind, and many a male Catholic must look upon condoms as somewhat at loggerheads with his phallic reality and consequently more suited to males whom he would probably classify, in their uncircumcised condition, as 'roundheads', meaning Protestants of, in particular, a puritan cast. Again, in this worldly dichotomy between the meek and the just, there is all the difference between a vicious morality that lives in hope of salvation to virtuous morality 'on high' and, by contrast, a virtuous immorality which is a source of fear and repugnance for those who are viciously immoral and anxious to avoid either damnation or counter-salvation to something 'down below' their own necessarily upper-class, and somatically free, dispositions.

    This is a subject I believe I touched upon in a previous text, and once again it is evident that the chasm of the world cannot be bridged, because it is indicative of two incompatible ethnicities which, though equally lower class, have contrary views of the world and antithetical places in it, whether in respect of vicious morality or of virtuous immorality, bound psyche coupled, for the meek, to a subordinate free soma or, in the case of the just, bound soma coupled to a subordinate free psyche, thus rendering them ethnically incompatible; for there is no way that bound psyche and bound soma can see eye-to-eye.

    But neither is there any way that free soma and free psyche can see eye-to-eye in the upper-class contexts of vicious immorality and virtuous morality, and therefore the principal representatives of those positions also remain at loggerheads or, more correctly, as distinct and alien to one another as the vain and the righteous, 'snobs' and 'nobs', with the 'snobs' anxious to control 'antislobs' in a descending axial somatic consistency typified by state-hegemonic criteria, and the 'nobs' only too anxious to control 'antiyobs' in what becomes, by contrast, an ascending axial psychic consistency typified by church-hegemonic criteria.

    For with 'snobs' over 'antinobs' in noumenal sensuality the way is prepared for the phenomenally sensible subversion of 'yobs' by 'antislobs', and with 'nobs' over 'antisnobs' in noumenal sensibility the way is prepared for the phenomenally sensual subversion of 'slobs' by 'antiyobs', so that, in each axial case, it is the upper-class positions which effectively determine the fate of the world, preventing it from deteriorating into that despotism and anarchy which would otherwise afflict it in the event of either 'slobs' having their gender way at the expense of 'antiyobs' in phenomenal sensuality or, across the worldly divide, 'yobs' having their gender way at the expense of 'antislobs' in phenomenal sensibility.

    Freedom in the world can never be primary but always subordinate to a psychic or a somatic binding which is the product, in no small measure, of either a controlling psychic freedom or a controlling somatic freedom in the overworld which is primary and thus able to have its graceful or evil way, as the case may be, at the expense of the world, which is to say, to the exclusion of worldly freedom on anything but subordinate terms to worldly binding.

    On the contrary, 'the above' condition 'the below', whether for better, as in the case of the antiphysical subversion of the chemical to a bound-psychic church-hegemonic bias at the expense of free soma, or for worse, as in the case of the antichemical subversion of the physical to a bound-somatic state-hegemonic bias at the expense of free psyche, neither type of society being compatible with the other because appertaining to separate axes, the diagonally ascending axis from antiphysics to metaphysics and, in secondary vein, from chemistry to antimetachemistry, in which males are primary, and the diagonally descending axis from metachemistry to antichemistry and, in secondary vein, from antimetaphysics to physics, in which females are primary.

    All that will of course take time, but having the preconditions of the right kind of development in place is of considerable importance in itself, otherwise progressive radicalism will remain merely peripheral to the worldly and overworldly status quo, with no power or mandate to do anything, not least the establishment of the right kind of political and religious structures, as outlined in previous texts, and the removal, bit by bit, of obstacles in its way, traditional religious and political ones not least of all.

    Sometimes it is expedient and even enlightening to think in parables or metaphors, and lately I have been conceiving of modern history from a metaphorical point of view, thinking of the distinctions between sheep, black sheep, sheepdogs, shepherds and, for want of a better term, wolves. For we live, these days, in a society in which not a homogeneous flock of sheep but disparate mobs of democratized sheep are led or, rather, misled by black sheep of one hue or another posing as shepherds, most of whom are actually wolves in sheep's clothing, and therefore hand-in-glove with the wolves in the ripping-off of sheep who, divided so cynically between disparate interest groups by the competing black sheep, are easy prey to the wolves, who profit from their disunity and want of proper leadership.

    Of course, proper leadership will only come when a genuine shepherd turns the disparate mobs of sheep against their phoney leaders and, having first made a homogeneous flock out of them, leads them up a mountain with the aid of his sheepdogs from which they will never again come down and from where they will be safe from wolves and all those who would rip them off in whatever manner was most expedient. But such a genuine shepherd is not to be confounded with the shepherd in wolf's clothing who, having first created a homogeneous flock of sheep, turned them against both the disparate mobs of sheep presided over by black sheep and even, in response to this threat, the occasional wolf in shepherds clothing, and those more homogeneous sheep who didn't even have the dubious privilege of the 'leadership' of a wolf in shepherd's clothing but were simply the victims of a sheepdog in wolf's clothing who claimed some kind of ideological descent from a wolf in sheepdog's clothing who was responsible for one of the most unlikely and paradoxical revolutions in the history of any flock or flocks of sheep the world has ever known.

    Well, history is well known, and in due course a revolt of the homogeneous sheep in several fields where sheepdogs were the sole authorities resulted in the emergence of divide-and-rule disorders like those which already existed in fields to the west of their own, and before long most of the industrialized world had become democratized to an extent whereby disparate mobs of sheep roamed everywhichway or no way at all under the smug but devious 'leadership' of gangs of black sheep whose only concern was to ensure that they cut a lucrative deal with the wolves which would work out to their mutual benefit and enable them to grow fat and prosperous at the expense of those who had to be constantly preyed upon, if they were to be kept confused and bemused and in no position to flock together in order to better defend themselves from the rapacious greed of predators.

    Well, the prospects of that could only be pretty slim in any case, for sheep are not very good, even in a homogeneous flock, of defending themselves from wolves when their sheepdogs are either non-existent or in league with black sheep against them and in no position to do the bidding of a true shepherd, something the black sheep would be the last to encourage, insofar as they have set themselves up as shepherds, as 'leaders', and cannot bear the thought of a genuine shepherd calling their bluff and exposing their pretensions.

    But a day is nevertheless fast approaching when a shepherd will descend from a high place and appeal to the regular sheep over the heads of their deceivers that they should reject the shame-inducing sham that has been so cruelly inflicted upon them, to join together as a homogeneous flock and follow him back up the mountain to a high place from which they will be safe, for ever more, from the wolves and other vain creatures who, with the connivance of black sheep, have so cynically and ruthlessly ripped them off and torn them to shreds while they were weak and disunited, ignorant and in want of deliverance from their plight, mere anarchic or semi-anarchic bands of mauled and dishevelled woolly-headed quadrupeds scarcely recognizable as sheep at all, a prey to all the worst excesses of pastoral exploitation and bestial degradation.

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